In Muslim eyes this was not only aggression but sacrilege. cit., p. 111. In most cases, we cannot see beyond the terms and cannot know whether two authors using the same term, even in the same time period, really had the same type of ship in mind. 12, pp. It is notable that Frederick’s own report of the encounter accounts for his defeat by saying that his galleys could not attack the enemy because they were, ‘sic intra seipsas remis involutae’. 378–9. It is also noticeable that once a fleet had been organised and dispatched to trade or to deal with the enemy that the authorities in Venice did their utmost to keep themselves informed of what was going on and even attempted to control events, despite the distances sometimes involved and the difficulties of communication with vessels at sea.2 In Genoa, it seems that individual ship-owners and commanders had a much freer hand especially in the conduct of trading voyages. Lloyd, England and the German Hanse 1157–1611: A Study of their Trade and Commercial Diplomacy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991, p. 181. The word itself is normally used of a dam or sluice raising the possibility that there was at Portsmouth an enclosed dock with a lock gate controlling the entry and exit of the ships (mainly galleys in this case). I would like to thank particularly my former supervisor Dr Alwyn Ruddock, who first suggested that I should work on Henry V’s navy, and Professor Nicholas Rodger who has been an inspiration to all writers on naval history. Pisani, after a highly successful cruise off Genoa itself, where he took many prisoners, brought his galleys back up the Adriatic with the intention of basing them for the winter at Pola in Istria.21 This anchorage had been suggested by the Senate as well-placed for the protection of the mude on the final stages of their return voyages. The organisation required to put together the transport 59 M E D I E V A L N AVA L WA R F A R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 for an expedition overseas was very considerable. 17 Le Citoyen Legrand d’Aussy, Notice sur l’état de la marine en France au commencement du quatrième siècle: et sur la tactique navale usitée alors dans les combats de mer, Paris, year VI, pp. Fudge, op. Only in harbour, particularly if it is really calm, should ships under attack, (which may in fact be grounded) be drawn up so closely together that one can get easily from one to another.33 Cleves’ ‘instructions’ are clearly based on his own experience as a naval commander both in the Channel and in the Mediterranean. The rapid advance of the Reconquista in the thirteenth century had left the Muslims in Iberia confined to Granada but a successful thrust across the Straits of Gibraltar by the Merinid king of Morocco could rapidly reverse this situation as had happened earlier in the days of the Alomhades. By the end of the thirteenth century to some extent neither the Christian nor the Muslim powers wished to disturb the status quo which existed in the naval sphere. This could be very effective in the right conditions and was probably the tactic used by the Castilians against the English at La Rochelle in 1372. In the opinion of the editor the chronicle is a genuine expression of popular sentiment during the war. War with Aragon in the case of Genoa or with the power that controlled the Dalmatian coast in the case of Venice might seem a more natural consequence of the confined geographical position and the restless energy of each state. If several vessels were involved the potential for chaos and mishaps of one kind or another must have been very high. 28 This was certainly the opinion of later historians who maintained that the enormous clinkerbuilt Gracedieu never put to sea at all and was a technological disaster. Mott, L.V., ‘The Battle of Malta, 1283: prelude to disaster’, in D.J. Anglo-Norman Studies VII, Woodbridge, The Boydell Press, 1984 pp. The debate was published in H. Pyne (ed. The English fleet which included both great ships and balingers, was then deployed in a line with the great ships on the wings and the balingers in the centre.14 The initial Spanish 84 T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY I N N O RT H E R N WAT E R S attack was an attempt at boarding reinforced by the use of flaming arrows and a fire ship; at this juncture, however, the wind got up and the galleys became increasingly vulnerable to attacks by the great ships. The Zwyn at Damme was already a very shallow anchorage (the town is nowadays some distance from the sea) and it seems that some of the French ships were beached. 7 The accounts of the Clerks of the King’s ships in the P.R.O. From early February 1470 orders were flying from the Senate to the Arsenal to prepare supplies, particularly of the essential biscotti as well as munitions, for the galleys going to the defence of Negroponte. 30 H. Kleineke, ‘English shipping to Guyenne in the mid-fifteenth century: Edward Hull’s Gascony voyage of 1441’, The Mariner’s Mirror, 85, 1999, pp. On the one hand, from the sixth to the twelfth centuries, Byzantines and others certainly referred to some kinds of war galleys by the name dromo2n. Nothing was known of the outcome of the affair until one balinger came into Calais reporting that she had lost the rest of the squadron in the night. 9–10. 139 and 141. As the opposing fleets drew near to each other before battle commenced, all the armed men should be kept under cover; only the sailors needed to sail the ship and the gunners needed to fire the cannon should be on deck. If an enclosed fortified anchorage was created it was often used as much by merchant ships as state warships. The landing of horsemen on an open shore cannot have been easy; first of all the vessels, by all accounts large and unwieldy, would have had to have been manoeuvred so as to be stern first to the beach. Even the mainly Arab trading vessels of the Persian Gulf, Red Sea and Indian Ocean were little known to Mediterranean seafarers from the Christian states. I, pp. Rosalba, R., Le genti del Mediterraneo, Naples, Lucio Pironti, 1981. Yet, despite this, the perception of the pressure, which could be exerted by a fleet in being, was more widely appreciated. There seems to be general agreement that Lauria’s forces were outnumbered and that the battle was lengthy and hard fought, but it is, as usual, difficult to get a clear and reliable picture of the tactics employed. 26 J. Gillingham, ‘Richard I, galley warfare and Portsmouth: the beginnings of a royal navy’ in M. Prestwich, R.H. Britnell and R. Frame (eds) Thirteenth-Century England VI, Proceedings of the Durham Conference 1995, Woodbridge, Boydell Press, 1997, p. 14. Mollat du Jourdan, Michel, ‘Problèmes navales de l’histoire des Croisades’, Cahiers de Civilisation medievale, 10, 1967. 7 The importance for naval warfare of the prolonged conflict between Venice and Genoa will be discussed in a later chapter. cit., Vol. In some respects it is possible to see similarities between the aims of rulers engaged in war at sea in both the eastern and western Mediterranean. It is certainly the case that the Tower was the storehouse for the royal ordnance54 but Ratcliff was more prominent as a centre for maintenance. To some extent this can be argued to be the result of the influence of mariners from the South with their experience of galley warfare and their reputation as experienced naval commanders. Michael Paleologus rebuilt and fortified the dockyard at Kondoskalion after the restoration of the Greek Empire. As he pointed out, it was too late to build a navy when the enemy was at sea. The Anthony of London carried a curtowe, a heavy gun, and 150 iron shot and 50 stone shot for the same. After the treaty was signed Anglo-Baltic trade recovered its prosperity. This included payments to pilots who guided the galleys along the Channel coast. 16 See Chapter 1, pp. 15–24. 42 The Aragonese commander, Pere de Moncada, wrote wearily to Peter III at the end of 1341 when he had been ordered to stay in the Straits with his fleet, ‘it seems that those who attended to the letters you have sent neither knew nor were thinking of what it feels like here at sea’. At least as important is also the configuration of the coastline, straits and islands, sandbanks and shallows, all of which had great strategic importance and considerable influence on the location and even the outcome, on occasion, of battles fought at sea. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, p. 73. There has very rarely been any sudden technological innovation which has produced a distinctive new ship type overnight. The sailing abilities of cogs had been much improved by the addition of a keel and they could deal better with heavy seas and high winds. Cracco, Giorgio and Gherendo Ortalli, Storia di Venezia dalle Origine alla caduta della Serenissima: Vol. Records relating to the use of ships can also be found widely dispersed in the Patent and Close Rolls. ), Paris, Libraries Honoré Champion,1997, pp. Round the edges of these groups were numbers of unattached or ‘loose’ ships. 68–69. Philip’s cousins, Charles I and Charles II of Anjou were also of course involved in a prolonged and bitter naval war with Aragon and had ordered the building of galleys at Marseilles and elsewhere in their dominions.32 In northern waters, however, the French crown had, to this point, shown little interest in naval matters. This occurred mostly in two periods; between 1338–45 and between 1377–80. I also owe a great deal to all those who have sailed with me on expeditions to the Western Isles, in the Channel and in the Mediterranean thus allowing me to understand much more about the possibilities and difficulties faced by those who ‘go down to the sea in ships’. Goitein, S., A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 2 vols, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1967. We can compare the fighting at sea in the eastern Mediterranean where the most common use of ships was in support of the siege of a coastal town. Edward I in 1294–95 had ordered galleys. By 1179 he had 60 galleys and 20 transports; of these 50 were said to be for defence and 30 for offensive purposes against the Franks.23 The immediate use made of this fleet followed the pattern seen before. It piously hopes that ‘harme ne hurt’ will not be done to friendly shipping but also includes a clause aimed at protecting ship-owners against claims in the courts relating to goods taken at sea. The writer of the Gesta Henrici Quinti describes how one squadron, assembled off the Camber, was faced with contrary winds, in the end relying on a favourable tide to round Beachy Head and join the squadron from Southampton.21 No fewer than eight Genoese carracks in the pay of the French were assisting in the investment of the town. II in La Mer Noire et la Romanie Gênoise XIII-XV siècles, London, Variorum Reprints, 1989. Later in April 1496 the gates were put in position and in July the head of the dock was strengthened.64 Its exact form is not entirely clear and Rodger has strenuously denied that it can be rightly called the first dry dock. Pryor discusses the whole question of the water consumption of medieval oarsmen in a hot climate in some detail and comes to the conclusion that two quarts (c.2 litres) per man per day was required. 4 An early representation of cannon onboard an English fighting ship can be found in the Warwick Roll of c.1485. 85–96. This did not, however imply that the waters of the western Mediterreanean could be described as peaceful or safe for many traders. Rodger, The Safeguard of the Sea, p. 144. The conflict between England and France widened with other states and rulers 88 T H E F I F T E E N T H C E N T U RY I N N O RT H E R N WAT E R S being drawn into a more complex web of alliances and enmities. Better to wait until the opening exchanges of missiles had done their work and then allow galley commanders to board enemy vessels as opportunity served. Among other things, money was spent on the wages of officers engaged in the campaigns (this was the year of Crecy and the siege of Calais by the English), including the admiral Floton de Revel and on the expenses and fees of Carlo Grimaldi of Genoa who had contributed 32 galleys to the French forces. The entire Channel coast was now in the hands either of the English crown or its allies, Burgundy and Brittany. Pryor suggests that they were much more nimble in close combat on a ship’s deck than knights in armour59 and contributed a great deal to the slaughter wrought on the Provencals who, according to Muntaner included ‘a hundred men of rank’ from the Castel St 47 M E D I E VA L N AVA L WA R FA R E , 1 0 0 0 – 1 5 0 0 Angelo.60 Certainly on this occasion as on others the victory lay with the Catalans who apparently suffered far fewer casualties than their enemy. 27 N.A.M. Symonds (ed. 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